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By Kevin J. O'Brien, Lianjiang Li

How can the terrible and vulnerable 'work' a political approach to their virtue? Drawing customarily on interviews and surveys in rural China, Kevin O'Brien and Lianjiang Li express that renowned motion frequently hinges on finding and exploiting divisions in the country. differently powerless humans use the rhetoric and commitments of the valuable executive to attempt to struggle misconduct by means of neighborhood officers, open up clogged channels of participation, and beat back the frontiers of the permissible. This 'rightful resistance' has far-reaching implications for our knowing of contentious politics. As O'Brien and Li discover the origins, dynamics, and outcomes of rightful resistance, they spotlight similarities among collective motion in locations as various as China, the previous East Germany, and the USA, whereas suggesting how chinese language stories communicate to matters similar to possibilities to protest, claims radicalization, tactical innovation, and the results of rivalry.

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Rightful Resistance in Rural China (Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics)

How can the bad and vulnerable 'work' a political process to their virtue? Drawing generally on interviews and surveys in rural China, Kevin O'Brien and Lianjiang Li exhibit that well known motion frequently hinges on finding and exploiting divisions in the kingdom. another way powerless humans use the rhetoric and commitments of the imperative govt to attempt to struggle misconduct by way of neighborhood officers, open up clogged channels of participation, and ward off the frontiers of the permissible.

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32 The interviews I conducted for this book confirm that many villagers still live with the traumatic Maoist past. 33 The oral testimonies in this study help us understand how day-to-day experiences with the political agents of the Great Leap campaign affected these various forms of memory and how each form of memory shapes the social and political activities of villagers today. Though I do not explicitly discuss particular categories of memory in the chapters that follow, I have drawn on them in developing my analysis.

The other 75 percent had no history of direct party involvement, though some people in this nonparty sample were connected to party members by virtue of marriage and kinship ties. 42 43 44 16 Zhang Letian, “Guojia Huayu de Jieshou Yu Xiaojie,” 1–2. On this point, see also Kimberley Ens Manning’s important essay, “Marxist Maternalism,” 349–50, 357–59, 364–66, 371. On the importance of formal language as an instrument of state power, see Schoenhals, Doing Things with Words, 1–29. Here I build on Kerkvliet’s insightful approach, though he is not dealing with the exceptional or with extremity.

And, finally, I used a small group interview technique, interviewing villagers and village party leaders I had previously interviewed individually in a group context with two to six fellow villagers. In this way, I could focus on the political life history of only one person among those present while integrating him or her into a wider group discourse on the past. I enlisted the others to nudge the targeted respondent to think harder about the past, to attempt to clarify hazy memories, and to debate whether and how some experience or incident actually happened, thereby jogging and corroborating individual memory through a freewheeling group discussion and exchange.

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